Aug
17
2012
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On Expropriations, the Proof is in Actions, Not Words

By Petardo de Petare

pic11 150x150 On Expropriations, the Proof is in Actions, Not Words

Petardo de Petare

Actions, it is said, speak louder than words. A cliché, to be sure, but it is instructive when evaluating events in Venezuela during recent months.

For example, no matter how high-minded Hugo Chávez’s rhetoric may at times sound, the president’s actions are drawing a marked contradiction. It is an indisputable fact that he and the PSUV have co-opted the government’s cadena authority to expand the candidate’s reach while battling cancer. They have tilted the playing field against Henrique Capriles and the opposition through their control over many facets of the government, such as the judiciary and the electoral commission, known as the Consejo Nacional Electoral (CNE). Chávez’s party has used its control over the Supreme Court to threaten Globovision, one of the last remaining television stations bold enough to air criticism of the president. The tightly controlled CNE told Capriles he was not permitted to wear a Venezuelan-themed baseball cap, even as every element of Chávez’s stage, bus, and piece of clothing bears the very same colors. The PSUV may try to convince us that their sole concern is the future of Venezuela; their actions, however, reveal a rapacious cartel devoted to maintaining its own power.

The PSUV’s abuses are indeed regrettable, but they are not surprising to most. More curious is how one might apply the “actions speak louder than words” test to Chávez’s economic policies.

For years, Chávez has heralded his expropriations policy as beneficial to Venezuela’s economy. Every time Chávez expropriated a company, utility or tract of land, he assured Venezuelans that his government would manage it better than the wasteful, profiteering private owners. The election is but months away, and Venezuela’s economy is in dire need of a jolt; indeed voters in Venezuela, as elsewhere, largely base their votes on economic factors. One would think, then, that Chávez would have increased his much-touted expropriations in order to foster economic growth ahead of October.

You would, however, be wrong. Chávez has barely expropriated anything at all in months.

Why, with economic performance so crucial to his re-election hopes, would Chávez cease one of his principal economic policies? If expropriations are as beneficial to Venezuelans as he boasts, why wouldn’t he go on an expropriation binge ahead of the election?

Perhaps he secretly acknowledges what so many already believe: that expropriations do not help the economy. In fact, his suspension of the policy suggests that he realizes that expropriations actively damage the economy.

Consider the following examples, which have already been amply documented by many prominent sources, including this website. Chávez seized farmland because he thought Venezuela’s agricultural industry needed a boost, but, even as Venezuelans suffer from dire shortages at the grocery store, hectare upon hectare of the expropriated land remains untilled. In the years following such expropriations, importation of basic foods traditionally grown in Venezuela, such as rice and coffee, has skyrocketed. He seized factories because he declared their private owners were not producing enough, yet today many expropriated companies remain in such shambles they are not even open for business. And all the while, Venezuela’s infrastructure – which Chávez’s government has controlled the entire time – continues to crumble, at times turning reliable electricity into a privilege and a simple commute into a treacherous endeavor.

Add to this the desperate (and temporary) ramping up of government support for the poor and homeless ahead of the election – financed through borrowed money – and it seems that, despite the rhetoric, Chávez is fully aware his policies have failed the very people he pledged to help.

Venezuela’s lower-class has long been Chávez’s largest political constituency; they have also been hardest hit by the struggles of recent years. And with reports out today of new polls showing Capriles surging into the lead, it appears he is losing ground with this constituency. In October, they will render their final judgment on whether Chávez has delivered positive results, not on how much progress has been made towards Chávez’s “Bolivarian Revolution.” And, if recent months are any indication, it seems that even an avowed socialist like Chávez will reject his own ideology if he thinks it will get him votes.

 
Jun
28
2012
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The Gap Between Words and Deeds

By Petardo de Petare

pic11 150x150 The Gap Between Words and Deeds

Petardo de Petare

Two weeks ago, Venezuelans witnessed two remarkable occurrences. First, on June 10, MUD nominee Henrique Capriles jogged more than 6 miles to Venezuela’s electoral headquarters (as we call it, the CNE) to formally register his candidacy for president. He was followed by thousands of supporters, marching alone the avenues of Caracas as they chatted avidly about brighter days ahead for Venezuela—it was the picture of an opposition movement that genuinely believes they can win. His speech soared with idealistic rhetoric about a Venezuela with less violence, a more vibrant economy, and a political culture that respects, not demonizes, those who disagree. “On October 7th,” said Capriles, “I’ll be the next president of all Venezuelans.”

The very next day, a weakened but still feisty Hugo Chávez arrived at the electoral headquarters himself. Chávez had his supporters as well—to claim otherwise would be a lie—but the difference between his and Capriles’ entrance could not have been starker. While Capriles strode proudly at the head of a throng of supports, Chávez was deposited at the CNE by truck. Cameras were not permitted to witness the manner of his ascent to the podium, leading many to question whether the president, currently battling from an undisclosed type of cancer, could even make it to the stage under his own strength. He did his best to rouse the crowd with his speech. And while he delivered flashes of his old, charismatic self, any adult Venezuelan could see that this was not the same Chávez who rose to power on a wave of idealism more than a decade. The words of his oration were familiar, rife with obsolete rhetoric, promises to take care of the poor and his characteristic ad hominem insults of the opposition. However, for many, the speech itself fell flat.

The two appearances give us a metaphor worth considering. Some of the more free-thinking commentators in my country – along with many in the international media – have claimed that Capriles, represents Venezuela’s future, and Chávez the weight of her past. Of course, the tricky thing about the future is that it hasn’t happened yet…

13 years of Hugo Chávez has made many Venezuelans weary and distrustful of the promises of politicians. Make no mistake: the ideals Chávez espouses at times sound beautiful. Who doesn’t wish to see Venezuela produce enough food for its entire populace? Who doesn’t support Chávez’s stated “mission” to build millions of houses for the people who need it? Who wouldn’t want to see an oil-rich nation like Venezuela use its abundant resources to provide for its citizens?

However, the past 13 years have often taught us that there is a difference between priorities and reality. Chávez promised Venezuela food sovereignty; yet today our shortages are worse than ever. Chávez often says that “capitalists” and “the bourgeois” were the reason for our country’s ills, but his constant expropriations and currency manipulation have done nothing but drag our economy down by the waist. Chávez has often bellowed about his “Great Housing Mission;” yet these promises offer little comfort to the millions of Venezuelans who remain homeless. Indeed, within eyeshot of the CNE stood an office building-turned-refugee camp, where many Venezuelans who lost their homes in floods continue to wait for Chávez’s aid.

I do not doubt that Chávez’s supporters ardently believe in the president. But the sad fact is that so many of these Venezuelans have never really been given a choice. For more than a decade Venezuelans have been inundated by PSUV propaganda. Barely two weeks ago I turned on VTV (our largest television network) and saw an hour-long PSUV infomercial proclaiming the glory of the government. And now Chávez has refused to debate Capriles, depriving Venezuelans of their one true opportunity to compare the candidates on a level playing field. Indeed, if I did not seek and find truths about Venezuela through independent media and conversations with my neighbors, I might be volunteering for Chávez’s campaign myself!

So I return to my original point. Capriles may represent Venezuela’s future, but in a nation whose president has held power for more than a decade and whose government controls nearly all mainstream media, the “future” is a much more speculative proposition than in most countries. Many sheltered Venezuelans do not understand just how poorly their countrymen have fared in recent years. Others remain true Bolivarian believers, and genuinely trust Chávez and the PSUV to rescue Venezuela from problems of their own making. And still others are part of the large segment of the electorate employed by the government, as it continues to expand its list of state-owned industries. These individuals, essentially employed by the PSUV, are required to march with and support Chavez, or risk retaliation in the form of their own firing.

But for the growing number of Venezuelans who feel in our bones that the time has come for a change, voting for the opposition this fall means waging an uphill fight.

Let us be clear: if Henrique Capriles wins this fall, it will be with the Venezuelan media stifling him every step of the way. I am not naïve enough to wish for the Venezuelan media to cover this election evenly. I simply hope that the energetic Capriles—already renowned for the stamina exhibited on his “house to house” campaign across the country—can reach enough Venezuelans in person to make up the difference.

 
May
23
2012
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Chávez or No Chávez: Venezuela’s Future is at Stake

pic11 Chávez or No Chávez: Venezuela’s Future is at StakeWhat’s Next Venezuela is proud to re-introduce our Venezuelan guest blogger — el Petardo de Petare. In the coming months Petardo will offer his thoughts on Venezuelan political, economic and social issues with his characteristic wit and insightful analysis. In this first installment of the election season, Petardo offers his opinion on the ongoing saga regarding Hugo Chávez’s health.

Much has changed in Venezuela since my last commentary — yet much, as the proverb would have it, has stayed the same. The economy remains in bad shape, despite the government’s highly publicized attempts to prop it up with borrowed money. Indeed, our prices continue to inflate so quickly that even Chávez’s massive increase in the minimum wage will scarcely boost the purchasing power of the average Venezuelan. It is as much a struggle today to buy necessities for one’s family as it was before this heralded wage hike. That is, if you can even find the necessities. Shortages of the most basic goods — corn, coffee, rice, the staples of our very lifestyle — are widespread and affect Venezuelans of every stripe and political leaning.

Another grim subject, however, has lately displaced such issues in the media. The government, so skillful at controlling its image, has done its best to keep chatter of President Chávez’s cancer out of the news. Yet our entire country remains consumed, spellbound, and hungry for the truth. The PSUV’s relentless effort to suppress information means that we know only a few things for sure. Among those certainties: President Chávez is severely ill; preferring Cuba’s medical facilities to his own country’s, as he has continually traveled to Havana for treatment; he now intends to formally swear in the six-member “Council of State,” which will serve as a sort of proxy government until the president “recovers his strength”; Chávez himself claimed in a phone call this week that he will register and run in this October’s presidential election.

Between those scant facts, however, arise troubling questions. Just how serious is Chávez’s cancer? Has it spread to other areas of his body, as some journalists have reported? Will the disease claim his life? And, if it does, who will take his place in October’s election? Worse, what if he dies shortly afterwards? Who then are we really voting for? Try as it might, the PSUV cannot prevent media from asking these questions. Neither can it stop journalists and commentators from seeking to answer them.

The International media coverage (much of which appears on this website) has also focused on the spectacle — and with good reason. I have read speculative articles that seek to unearth the facts about Chávez’s health; I have also seen reports that simply presume the president will soon be dead, and go on to envision the future of Venezuela “after chavismo.”

Despite the morbid subject matter, I remain gratified that so many continue to report on the affairs of Venezuela. I am sure the drama of President Chávez’s battle with cancer will continue attracting attention–especially if the news takes a turn for the worse. I do not propose to add my own views to the equation; that is best left to the experts. I ask only that those reporting the story remember why it matters.

The most urgent story does not concern the fate of chavismo, nor of the man himself; it is the future of my country that matters most. So I beg of all media, in Venezuela and the world, that they do not attend so much to the titanic struggle between Hugo Chávez and his cancer that they neglect the less dramatic–but much more important–struggles of so many Venezuelans to live lives of dignity and security.

It is these stories I will share with you in the coming months. Venezuela faces challenges on many fronts, from infrastructure to crime to shortages of food and electricity. I believe my country can overcome these hurdles, but only if our leaders change course. If they don’t, the health of our president will be the least of our worries.