Oct
1
2012
Posted by
admin
Comments

Panel: Superior Capriles Campaign negates Unlevel Playing Field

South Americas October Surpise Panel: Superior Capriles Campaign negates Unlevel Playing Field

Screen Capture: Bipartisan Policy Center - South Americas October Surpise

Venezuela under Chávez does not meet the standards for a real democracy, according to statements made by former Colombian President Álvaro Uribe. The former leader told an audience at Washington’s Bipartisan Policy Center (BPC) that Chávez has failed to protect the security and freedoms of Venezuelan citizens during his rule and has not allowed their active participation in government.

Uribe participated in a BPC panel last week focusing on recent developments in Venezuela and Colombia, which include Venezuela’s tight presidential election, entitled “South America’s October Surprise?” The former Colombian president was joined by Dan Fisk of the International Republican Institute and Michael Shifter of the Inter-American Dialogue.

The panel discussed whether Venezuela’s upcoming elections can be considered fair as well as the likelihood that opposition candidate Henrique Capriles will defeat Chávez. Participants also tried to predict how the president will respond if he loses.

“There was a hemispheric consensus that elections [are] how you judge a democracy,” Fisk said of Venezuela’s upcoming vote. But he added that Chávez has manipulated the system to provide the appearance of a democracy while suppressing citizens’ democratic rights. “A lot of people have given [Chávez] credit that you can take away people’s freedom through a series of democratic processes.”

Uribe, though, had much stronger words. “I am against the Chávez dictatorship with or without elections,” he said. He further criticized the Chávez administration for failing to pursue the narco-terrorist organization FARC in Venezuelan territory. That failure has bled across Venezuela’s borders, undermining the stability of Colombia that the government of president Uribe worked hard to attain.

Fisk said that while the technical voting process in Venezuela appears to be fair, the real disparity – and the threat to democracy – lies in the campaign itself.

“The problem is not the machinery, it is the campaign process,” Fisk said. Venezuelan law allows the president to call mandatory national broadcasts, known as cadenas, at any time, and Chávez has abused this power to saturate Venezuela with campaign propaganda. Meanwhile, Capriles must pay for airtime, and lacks the resources to match the reach of the state media.

Chávez has also used the resources of the government, supplied by the country’s vast oil reserves, to finance his campaign. “In many ways PDVSA is the lubricant of the Chávez campaign,” Fisk said. Chávez has increased social spending, and then trumpeted that increased spending in his campaign rhetoric, giving Venezuelans the impression that it is he, not the government, who is giving them these benefits.

Despite all of this, Fisk says that this is the most competitive race that Chávez has ever faced. It remains to be seen if all of the electoral advantages Chávez enjoys can blunt the impact of his economic mismanagement, which has led to severe shortages and skyrocketing inflation, or make Venezuelans forget the recent refinery fires and one of the world’s highest crime rates.

Shifter added that the opposition has run an excellent campaign, and Capriles has refused to fall for tactics and provocations of Chávez. The opposition has stumbled in the past and has its best chance yet, in part because it has unified itself into one group. In addition, he did join the concerns of the other panelists, adding that “there is not a level playing field.”

In an encouraging bit of consensus, the panelists for the most part dismissed worries that Chávez would reject the results if the opposition wins. “It would be very hard in terms of politics in Venezuela and international pressure to deny [an opposition victory],” Shifter said. He warned, however, that the process may not be smooth. “We should be prepared for some amount of violence and instability. We have seen that in campaign stops in the past couple of days,” alluding to recent Chavista-incited violence at Capriles rallies.

Fisk added that the United States should be prepared to accept the results if the election appears credible, and that he believes that Venezuelans will peacefully accept the results as well.

 
Sep
27
2012
Posted by
admin
Comments

The Challenger

The New York Times – International Herald Tribune
September 27, 2012
By Francisco Toro

latitude 2709 toro blog480 The Challenger

Courtesy of: Geraldo Caso / Agence France-Presse / Getty Images

MONTREAL — Even on TV, the energy of the crowd comes through. The opposition candidate Henrique Capriles Radonski is ripping into his stump speech, and the townspeople in the city of Maturin, in Eastern Venezuela, are eating it up: “Today,” he bellows, “I want you to think about your problems, and think: Has the government brought solutions to your problems?!” The crowd shouts back: “Nooooo!”

Adoring crowds like this one have come out again and again to hear Capriles speak, and they’re far from the oligarchic rump the Chávez government likes to imagine. Since the start of the campaign, the wiry 40-year-old state governor has taken this message to over 250 towns and small cities throughout the country as part of an audacious town-by-town tour of Venezuela that’s propelled him from distant longshot to real contender for what would be a famous upset.

Capriles isn’t a naturally charismatic speaker, but he’s made up for what he lacks in personal magnetism with frenetic energy and a message of social inclusion that’s a refutation of the government’s talking points. Far from the aloof, aristocratic caricature of Capriles the Chávez government has sought to portray, the governor is in his element hanging out with everyday Venezuelans, listening to their problems and putting forward solutions.

But it isn’t just his demeanor on the stump. Capriles has also disrupted the government’s narrative by radically overhauling the opposition’s message. Setting aside the barren old debate about ideological abstractions that the opposition spent much of the last 14 years stoking, Capriles grasped the need to broaden the opposition’s base of support.

Out went the old battle cries against socialism, expropriation, the concentration of power in the presidency and Chávez’s growing abuse of power. While these are themes that obsess the small globalized middle class living in Venezuela’s three or four largest cities, they sound distant to the Venezuelans struggling to establish a foothold in the middle class in the first place.

To replace the old ideological diatribes, Capriles has built a message centered on the day-to-day issues that matter to Venezuela’s vast aspirational working class: the chronic power shortages, out-of-control crime, runaway inflation and jobs.

Capriles has been disciplined about carrying through this message reboot. On the stump, it’s hard not to notice that he hardly ever uses words ending in “-ism.” His silences are his message: this campaign isn’t an academic discussion on the relative merits of “capitalism” and “communism”; it’s about whether you can get a decent job, send your children to a decent school and live in a decent home.

This recast message allows Capriles to talk directly to struggling lower families who aspire to move into the middle class: people who’ve come to depend on government social programs but are increasingly weary of the ideological extremism, waste and corruption that hamper the chavista state’s efforts to solve their everyday problems. These are the voters that dominate outside Venezuela’s big cities, and so Capriles’s focus on rural areas is the geographic expression of this new message.

For too long, opposition leaders barely bothered going outside the country’s biggest cities or addressing the concerns of small-town voters. The result is plain to see in county-level election maps, where the blue opposition vote is tightly clustered in middle-class areas of Caracas, Maracaibo, Valencia and Barquisimeto, while virtually all of the country’s small towns and countryside make up a sea of chavista red.

For all his skill in recasting the campaign as a referendum on Chávez’s ability to address Venezuelans’ everyday problems and broadening the opposition’s base of support, Capriles remains an underdog taking on a global icon.

Two weeks out, though, two of Venezuela’s three best-regarded pollsters show him in a statistical dead-heat with the president. By crafting a message to appeal to a truly nationwide audience, he’s given himself a real fighting chance to pull off a stunning upset on Oct. 7th. The whole world will be watching.

Francisco Toro blogs about the Chávez era at CaracasChronicles.com.

To Read this article on the The New York Times – International Herald Tribune, please click here.

 
Sep
27
2012
Posted by
admin
Comments

ICYMI: The Challenger

The New York Times – International Herald Tribune
September 27, 2012
By Francisco Toro

latitude 2709 toro blog480 ICYMI: The Challenger

Courtesy of: Geraldo Caso / Agence France-Presse / Getty Images

MONTREAL — Even on TV, the energy of the crowd comes through. The opposition candidate Henrique Capriles Radonski is ripping into his stump speech, and the townspeople in the city of Maturin, in Eastern Venezuela, are eating it up: “Today,” he bellows, “I want you to think about your problems, and think: Has the government brought solutions to your problems?!” The crowd shouts back: “Nooooo!”

Adoring crowds like this one have come out again and again to hear Capriles speak, and they’re far from the oligarchic rump the Chávez government likes to imagine. Since the start of the campaign, the wiry 40-year-old state governor has taken this message to over 250 towns and small cities throughout the country as part of an audacious town-by-town tour of Venezuela that’s propelled him from distant longshot to real contender for what would be a famous upset.

Capriles isn’t a naturally charismatic speaker, but he’s made up for what he lacks in personal magnetism with frenetic energy and a message of social inclusion that’s a refutation of the government’s talking points. Far from the aloof, aristocratic caricature of Capriles the Chávez government has sought to portray, the governor is in his element hanging out with everyday Venezuelans, listening to their problems and putting forward solutions.

But it isn’t just his demeanor on the stump. Capriles has also disrupted the government’s narrative by radically overhauling the opposition’s message. Setting aside the barren old debate about ideological abstractions that the opposition spent much of the last 14 years stoking, Capriles grasped the need to broaden the opposition’s base of support.

Out went the old battle cries against socialism, expropriation, the concentration of power in the presidency and Chávez’s growing abuse of power. While these are themes that obsess the small globalized middle class living in Venezuela’s three or four largest cities, they sound distant to the Venezuelans struggling to establish a foothold in the middle class in the first place.

To replace the old ideological diatribes, Capriles has built a message centered on the day-to-day issues that matter to Venezuela’s vast aspirational working class: the chronic power shortages, out-of-control crime, runaway inflation and jobs.

Capriles has been disciplined about carrying through this message reboot. On the stump, it’s hard not to notice that he hardly ever uses words ending in “-ism.” His silences are his message: this campaign isn’t an academic discussion on the relative merits of “capitalism” and “communism”; it’s about whether you can get a decent job, send your children to a decent school and live in a decent home.

This recast message allows Capriles to talk directly to struggling lower families who aspire to move into the middle class: people who’ve come to depend on government social programs but are increasingly weary of the ideological extremism, waste and corruption that hamper the chavista state’s efforts to solve their everyday problems. These are the voters that dominate outside Venezuela’s big cities, and so Capriles’s focus on rural areas is the geographic expression of this new message.

For too long, opposition leaders barely bothered going outside the country’s biggest cities or addressing the concerns of small-town voters. The result is plain to see in county-level election maps, where the blue opposition vote is tightly clustered in middle-class areas of Caracas, Maracaibo, Valencia and Barquisimeto, while virtually all of the country’s small towns and countryside make up a sea of chavista red.

For all his skill in recasting the campaign as a referendum on Chávez’s ability to address Venezuelans’ everyday problems and broadening the opposition’s base of support, Capriles remains an underdog taking on a global icon.

Two weeks out, though, two of Venezuela’s three best-regarded pollsters show him in a statistical dead-heat with the president. By crafting a message to appeal to a truly nationwide audience, he’s given himself a real fighting chance to pull off a stunning upset on Oct. 7th. The whole world will be watching.

Francisco Toro blogs about the Chávez era at CaracasChronicles.com.

To Read this article on the The New York Times – International Herald Tribune, please click here.